Climate Justice Movement Building
The origin of the climate justice movement is difficult to pinpoint since it has evolved out of the environmental and global justice movements and incorporates efforts from global governments, NGOs, and grassroots organizations. This manual includes a brief introduction to the origins of global climate action and the climate justice movement that has emerged. This movement has helped to shape the climate justice discourse on a global scale. A Climate Justice Movement Building timeline highlighting moments in the movement and the international organizations working on building the climate justice movement can be found at the end of this section.
Global Climate Action Origins
Highlighting key historical moments that address climate change and building the climate movement can help us understand the magnitude, pace, and impact of addressing the climate crisis. Climate change was first acknowledged at the global level when the World Meteorological Organization and United Nations Environment Programme established the International Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) in 1988 to create scientific reports on climate change to inform international policy decisions.1 That same year, NASA scientist James Hansen testified to the United States Congress that human-caused climate change was occurring.2 The first widely read book on climate change, The End of Nature, was written by Bill McKibben in 1989. This book helped bring climate change into the minds of the general pubic and educate them on the severity of the issue. It was no longer just a topic for scientists to study and know.
In 1992, the United Nations (UN) held the Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, where they formed the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) to meet annually at the Conference of the Parties (COP) and address climate change in hopes for collective action.3 Their first meeting took place in Berlin, Germany in 1995. It wasn’t until 1997 that an agreement to act on climate change was created with the adoption of the Kyoto Protocol, the world’s first greenhouse gas reductions treaty, which went into effect in 2007.4
Global Justice Movement
to Climate Justice Movement
Prior to the Kyoto Protocol, the World Trade Organization (WTO), an intergovernmental organization was formed in 1995 to regulate international trade. According to Frankel, the Kyoto Protocol and WTO had competing interests, in relation to carbon emission reduction and subsidies for fossil fuels.5 Grassroots organizations also began mobilizing and participating in direct actions against globalization with anti-capitalism sentiments. An example is the WTO protests in Seattle at the end of 1999 in which hundreds of organizations from all over the world participated.6
According to Russell, the global justice movement grew out of the WTO protests and the climate movement in Europe rose out of the anti-capitalist mobilizations in 2005 against the G8 (8 most powerful countries in the world).7 Furthermore, transnational non-governmental organizations protested globalization in relation to its impacts on the environment and human and labor rights.8 Environmental organizations such as Friends of the Earth and Greenpeace took on global challenges connecting issues like poverty and the environment.9 “In the summer of 2003, Friends of the Earth adopted a five-year action plan whose strategic aims are to integrate well-established work on sustainability and biodiversity with a concern for environmental justice at home and abroad.”10 In addition, the Camp for Climate Action held trainings for direct climate action between 2005-2010, when hundreds of direct actions were taken throughout Europe.11
The concept of climate justice first appeared in a 1999 CorpWatch report titled Greenhouse Gangsters vs. Climate Justice.12 According to CorpWatch.org, this report “successfully redefined climate change as an environmental justice and human rights issue, and helped mobilize communities already adversely impacted by the fossil fuel industry.”13 “Climate Justice integrally links human rights and ecological sustainability, recognizing that the communities fighting to live free of the environmental and social problems created by big oil are also on the front lines in the battle against climate change.”14
Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have been working on climate change since 1989, when the Climate Action Network International (CAN) was formed, with over 1,100 NGOs from over 120 countries represented today.15
In 1990, the Indigenous Environmental Network was formed to help U.S. Indigenous communities address economic and environmental justice issues.16 Three years later, La Via Campesina, an international peasant’s movement began to fight the globalization of agriculture. Today, they represent over 2 million farmers in around 165 organizations in over 70 countries and today they collaborate on climate justice issues through the lens of food sovereignty and food and farmworker justice.17
Climate Justice Movement Development
Even though climate justice was introduced into the global justice movement in 1999, it wasn’t popularized until 2007, with the formation of Climate Justice Now (CJN) which adopted the name Climate Justice Action (CJA) when mobilizing for the 2009 COP 15 summit in Copenhagen.18 At the COP 15 summit, climate justice was formulated with central messaging of ‘system change, not climate change’ with the purpose of challenging the capital based solution of carbon trading.19
The COP 15 summit was met with civil society demanding that climate justice be addressed and not just carbon emissions. The COP Summit failed because civil society’s message of systemic change “fell short of constructing a different way of understanding the problem of climate change.”20 And the response of this failure was two fold. Because of the ineffectiveness of grassroots organizations to demand changes through their global reform agenda at COP 15, this led to the rise of climate justice resistance movements because of the “utterly unsustainable accumulation of capital.”21
In addition, the second significant response of this failure came from Bolivia’s president, Evo Morales, who held the World People’s Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth (CMPCC), in April 2010, to forge a path forward that was different from the UNFCCC process.22 The outcome of this conference was the formation of the “People’s Agreement”, an 11-page document, incorporating the causes of climate change and the need to recognize the rights of Mother Earth.23 This vision also included the call to create a Tribunal of Climate and Environmental Justice and development of a global democracy to make decisions on this issue that affect the planet and humanity.24
The origins of the climate justice movement is difficult to trace, according to Building Bridges Collective. “The term was popularised by the formation of the ‘Climate Justice Now!’ network in Bali during the COP 13 negotiations in 2007. In the build up to the COP 15 in Copenhagen the term became a mobilizing platform across Europe as the ‘Climate Justice Action’ (CJA) network opposed the COP as an unjust set of negotiations interested in expanding capitalism, similar to Russell, rather than in addressing the global climate crises.”25
In summary from the Bolivia summit, Bridge Builders Collective share:
“Maybe the only real justice is what can be gained by the exercise of collective action, against the threats that capitalism and climate change pose to all of our lives, and for the creation of other forms of life outside of capitalism. In this vein, instead of worrying about conflicting definitions, maybe we should listen to the advice that Leonardo Cerdo gave us; ‘It doesn’t matter what we call it; what matters is how we take action.’”26
Meanwhile, members from CJA met in Amsterdam in February, 2010, after the COP 15 summit, to discuss what could constitute a “movement for climate justice.”27 In their discussion paper titled What Does Climate Justice Mean in Europe:
“Climate justice means recognising that the capitalist growth paradigm, which leads to over extraction, overproduction and overconsumption stands in deep contrast to the biophysical limits of the planet and the struggle for social justice... Fundamentally, we believe that we cannot prevent further global warming without addressing the way our societies are organised – the fight for climate justice and the fight for social justice are one and the same.”28
In 2008, the international organization 350.org officially launched and, in 2009, organized the first day of international climate action on October 24th with over 5,200 events in 181 countries.29 In 2010, they organized a “Global Work Party” day with approximately 7,000 work parties around the world, displaying local solutions emphasizing alternatives to using fossil fuels.30 350.org took a turn toward direct action in 2011, when over 1,250 people were arrested outside the White House in protest of the proposed Keystone XL Pipeline.31 This prompted a national awareness of the issue which propelled a 4-year nationwide campaign to successfully halt the construction of the pipeline.32 In 2012, 350.org launched a divestment campaign calling for institutions such as university campuses, cities, and faith groups to divest from fossil fuels, thus stripping the social license of these companies to cause further damage.33 Currently, 731 institutions have committed to divest $5.45 trillion and 58,000+ individuals have committed to divest about $5.2 billion, according to the report on gofossilfree.org.34
Continuing to build the movement, 350.org and other international grassroots organizations have been mobilizing and building networks working on social, racial, economic and environmental justice issues. This effort was demonstrated with the coming together of the People’s Climate March on September 21, 2014 in New York City, the largest global climate march in history.35 The march brought together various groups across the movement including labor, indigenous and other marginalized communities, yet the march wasn’t able to carry out a unified political voice.36 However, there were significant gains in building the climate justice movement and everyone was collectively under a “big tent.”37 “What the march did, better than any other event in history, was demonstrate the unity of activists demanding genuine emissions cuts and government funding of an alternative way of arranging society.”38 The “Flood Wall Street” event the day after the march turned out 3,000 protesters participating in direct action with a message, “that only with a transition beyond Wall Street’s stock exchange capitalism can we have a living future.”39
According to Roser and Seidel, “With its impressive worldwide activist network, well-coordinated global actions, and its increasing involvement in determined direct action against climate-destructive policies and new energy megaprojects, 350.org has raised the bar for climate activism in the U.S. and served as a central catalytic force in the global climate movement.”40
In recent years, the youth are also taking a more participatory approach into their own hands and planting trees. A young boy named Felix Finkbeiner started an organization called Plant-for-the-Planet in 2007 at the age of 9, where children can be trained to be climate justice ambassadors to stand up for climate justice and help fight the climate crisis by planting trees. Plant-for-the-Planet has a counter on their website of all the trees recently planted, charting the success to a trillion trees. On May 22, 2017 the counter read 14,209,083,086 trees planted and 55,000 children between 9-12 are trained Climate Ambassadors.41
Burkett analyzes what the climate movement can learn from previous social movements.42 For example, the global community protested against Shell Oil in 2015, demanding that Shell not drill in the Arctic. The term ‘kayaktivist’ was born in Seattle out of these efforts with a growing trend of nonviolent direct action (NVDA).43 This increase in direct action can have a positive effect on agenda setting for policy, according to Burkett.44 She shares, “empirical evidence reveals that protest ‘positively and significantly’ influences political attention.”45
The end of 2015 brought us a keystone moment in the climate justice movement with the Paris Agreement at the COP 21 Summit. For the first time, 195 countries agreed to act on climate which created the platform for civil society to force governments to take stronger action. Over 600,000 people marched in 175 countries the day before the summit to send a message to global leaders to act on climate.46
Shoes placed in Place de la République in lieu of global climate march in Paris, 29 November, 2015, cancelled due to terrorist attacks two weeks earlier.
“Genuine solutions to the climate crisis cannot emerge from climate negotiations, whether on a domestic or an international level, unless significant pressure—pressure that is greater than that of powerful corporate interests—is brought to bear by a globally linked, locally grounded group of social movements mobilizing around the theme of climate justice.”47
The movement increased its civil disobedience in the spring of 2016 with collaborative global efforts to show a growing global resistance and to send a global message that we must break free from fossil fuels and move towards a just transition to a clean energy future. On six continents, thousands risked arrest during Break Free direct actions, from May 3-15, 2016.48 2016 also brought us the resistance effort to stop the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL) at Standing Rock, North Dakota in the U.S., which showed great diversity in support of this effort.49
The No DAPL campaign became internationally known when Amy Goodman with Democracy Now visited during Labor Day weekend, and caught on video guard dogs attacking the indigenous water protectors. In a live interview at the Chandler Center for the Arts in January, 2017, Amy Goodman shares, “all the international media was now covering this, and covering the issue and that is what is key. Because when you shine a spotlight, and you show the blood glistening in the mouths of the dogs, Native American blood, it cannot be counter denied, it cannot be called false news. The images are there and we must demand that the media cover these mass movements that are historical and how essential it is, especially now”50 The NoDAPL campaign showed “notably deep diversity” in its protests, and there are now “pockets of organization that work at the intersection of race, poverty, and climate change.”51 Priest confirms, “If there is no media coverage of an issue that most do not directly confront in other ways, attention recedes as though the issue hardly exists – or at least is unimportant. If there is coverage, regardless of the tone or other content details, people tend to think the issue is more important – it rises on their personal agenda.”52
environmental mainstream still struggles to effectively build alliances and the climate grassroots is still in the process of building bridges and establishing an identity.”53 She also suggests that alliances in the climate movement be “diverse and cohesive.”54 She argues that, “while the combination of institutional influence activity and protest allows a movement to simultaneously persuade, disrupt and bargain, the lack of cohesive vision can be fatal.”55 When black ghettos began to dissent and organize against poverty, the civil rights movement splintered in so many directions, the movement lost its cohesive vision.56
Also, building coalitions is key to “avoid the misperception that societies can segregate the environment literally or figuratively, from our lives, our futures and our individual dignity” in addition to “placing a human face on climate change.”57 The public shared their alliances and intersectionality in the People’s Climate March in Washington, D.C. and cities across country and globally to send a message to President Trump on his 100th day in office that we resist, we build, we rise if he doesn’t reverse his position on climate change and move us toward a clean energy future.58
Bringing in the values through organized religion is a powerful force that continues to develop in the climate movement. The Pope’s Encyclical, Laudato Si’ released in 2015, focused on caring for our common home and was the first time there was a call from any religion to discuss the moral implications to act on climate change.59 Burkett concludes that for the climate justice movement to be successful, it must have the following ingredients of other successful movements: “clarity of purpose, shared values forged by proponents, effective planning, and connection to the mainstream.”60
The systems in place create a framework and rules for societies to function and it is within these systems that limit possibilities, according to Russell.61 Frameworks for governance as in capitalism, constitutional government, laws regarding property or inheritance, military and police create constraints on possibilities.62 Russell suggests that we consider collectivizing the processes of how we live our lives in common and the recognition of our political capital for change and consider how society faces multiple crises at the same time so that we can mobilize together to tackle the crises together.63
Climate Justice
Movement Building
Today and Beyond
In terms of building the climate justice movement, bringing what is just, meaning morally right and fair, into the conversation alongside climate education can help move people to action. People can be empowered to act when they understand that climate change impacts those suffering the most are the least responsible for causing the harm in the first place. Moore and Russell discuss how messaging involves strategy, which raises the question by Paulo Friere, “What can we do today, so that tomorrow we can do what we are unable to do today?”64
How do we grow the movement globally to help solve the climate crisis? In order to transition away from a fossil fuel driven economy to a clean energy economy, laws and policies for communities, regions, states, and nations can be implemented to help lower carbon emissions. Therefore, it is essential to get people behind initiatives or plans for transition even if they are costlier in the short term. The Paris Agreement shows unilateral global support for action, therefore, it gives societies across the globe the backbone to know that government should be acting. According to Tokar, groups will continue to push for climate justice at the UN level, but more importantly climate justice continues to show up in the messaging of local campaigns.65 Furthermore, with the increase of climate related disasters, this provides visible evidence for the need for change along with the immediacy to address the social justice aspects of the climate crisis.66 According to Tokar, “the climate’s best hope lies in the combination of raising climate militancy in the North and the increasing international visibility of struggles in the South.”67
The results from the Climate Activist Survey show that many activists spend time on educating people on climate change. In 2006, the Academy award winning documentary, An Inconvenient Truth, helped catapult the public’s awareness of the impacts and severity of climate change. Shortly after the film release, U.S. Vice President Al Gore began a training program for others to give the climate change presentation featured in the film. As of May, 2017, over 11,000 people have been trained by Al Gore to not only give the presentation for educational purposes but to also join the climate justice movement and perform Acts of Leadership.68 According to Stoss, there has been a surge of climate justice research in the past several years, from 20 articles cited a year in 2010 to over 80 articles cited a year in 2016 (See figure 2) in the Web of ScienceTM database.69 Researchers are keen to help solve the climate crisis through deepening our understanding of what it will take to move people to take action on climate change.
The use of climate justice language has been found to be motivating in civil campaigns where civil society pressures governments to act on political issues.70 People might then start to change their own behaviors about consumption and better yet, demand that their government make policies that can help lower carbon emissions by asking them to stop big projects such as Keystone XL and the Dakota Access Pipeline. The Dakota Access Pipeline fight is bringing to light a suggestion from Kaswan, which having marginalized voices at the table for policy making helps with transparency, and there should be no more privileges for the privileged.71
Diversity in the movement is its greatest strength. Yet, because of the global nature of the the climate crisis, there is a “greater need for coordination, determination and commonality of vision.”72 Tokar concludes that the “movement’s best hope lies in the combination of rising climate militancy in the North and the increasing international visibility of struggles in the South.”73 Priest concludes, “having members with diverse perspectives is an important aspect of strategic capacity.”74
The climate justice movement must be more proactive, creative, and solution oriented in regards to resistance strategies suggests Vinthagen, not about technical solutions, but rather about changing our economy as it relates to questioning power and resistance.75 A mass global climate justice movement is the only force that is strong enough to change our capitalist system.76 Vinthagen concludes that, “we only have some years to make drastic changes and the politicians have failed for too long.”77 He also suggests that a mass mobilization needs to have a well founded strategy that writers and researchers propose, including social scientists.78
Fortunately, marches continue to increase in numbers and the People’s Climate March on April 29, 2017 in Washington, D.C. was one of the largest climate marches in history with over 370 sister marches around the world with more than 300,000 marching for climate, jobs and justice.79
Climate justice frameworks can help change the minds of the public as well. When using climate justice as a lens for looking at the problem of climate change, we see this moral argument for change in various ways. The divestment movement “had the effect of stigmatizing fossil fuels.”80 When moral factors are considered, the public mind is shifted. Justice depends on people coming together in collective action even if their values, world views and circumstances are different.81 How people work together socially to answer deep questions is what matters.82 The power ultimately lies in the voters. “Democracy can process only the political will that voters feed into the political process in the first place; even the best procedure cannot conjure a just output out of an unjust input. Therefore, the responsibility for just outcomes can be delegated only to a limited extent to those who design political procedures.”83
What is possible for building the climate justice movement needs to not be constrained by the systems of governance and citizens rising up to demand bolder action from their governments as an essential part of the solution, according to Tokar.84 Many of the global organizations fighting for climate justice are addressing the problems of injustice through the current systems in regards to social, racial, economic and environmental problems. Transformational moments have taught us that “when major shifts in the economic balance of power take place, they are invariably the result of extraordinary levels of social mobilization.”85 Klein contends that the change will come in “spasms of rapid-fire lawmaking, with one breakthrough after another.”86 Klein also reinforces the need for diverse convergences and aiming to not just change laws but to change patterns of thought around justice, for example, not passing a minimal carbon tax but rather passing a minimum wage increase.87 According to Bond, there isn’t much time to plot a course of action, we only have a little time for mass mobilization demanding climate justice.88
End Notes — Climate Justice Movement Building
1. United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. (2014). UNFCCC — 20 years of effort and achievement key milestones in the evolution of international climate policy. Retrieved from http://unfccc.int/timeline/
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid.
5. Frankel, J. (2005). Climate and trade: Links between the Kyoto Protocol and WTO. Environment Science and Policy for Sustainable Development, 47(7), 8-19. Doi:10.3200/ENVT.47.7.8-21.
6. Levi, M., & Murphy, G. H. (2006). Coalitions of contention: The case of the WTO protests in Seattle. Political Studies, 54(4), 651-670. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9248.2006.00629.x
7. Russell, B. T. (2012). Interrogating the post-political: The case of radical climate and climate justice movements (Doctoral dissertation). University of Leeds.
8. Della Porta, D., & Tarrow, S. G. (2005). Transnational protest and global activism. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid.
11. Russell, “Interrogating the post-political.”
12. Bruno, K., Karliner, J., & Brotsky, C. (1999). Greenhouse gangsters vs. climate justice. San Francisco, CA: CorpWatch.
13. CorpWatch. (n.d.). About CorpWatch. Retrieved from http://www.corpwatch.org/article.php?id=11314
14. Ibid.
15. Climate Action Network-International. (2015). Climate Action Network-International annual report. Retrieved from
http://www.cannetwork.org/files/CAN%20annual%20report%202015.pdf
16. Indigenous Environmental Network. (2017). About. Retrieved from http://www.ienearth.org/about/
17. La Via Campesina. (2009, February 11). The international peasant’s voice. Retrieved from
https://www.viacampesina.org/en/index.php/organisation-mainmenu-44
18. Russell, “Interrogating the post-political.”
19. Ibid.
20. Ibid., 159.
21. Ibid., 176.
22. Ibid.
23. Ibid.
24. Ibid.
25. Building Bridges Collective (2010). Space for movement: Reflections from Bolivia on climate justice, social movements and the state. Leeds, UK: Leeds University Press, 27.
26. Ibid., 52.
27. Russell, “Interrogating the post-political,” 166.
28. Russell, “Interrogating the post-political,” 167.
29. Tokar, B. (2014b). Organization profile – 350.org. In M.Dietz & H. Garrelts (Eds.), Routledge handbook of the climate change movement (pp. 252-254). New York, NY: Routledge.
30. Ibid.
31. Ibid.
32. Ibid.
33. Ibid.
34. Fossil Free. (n.d.). Divestment commitments. Retrieved from https://gofossilfree.org/commitments/
35. Visser, N. (2014, September, 22). Hundreds of thousands turn out for the People’s Climate March in New York City. Retrieved from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/09/21/peoples-climate-march_n_5857902.html
36. Giacomini, T., & Turner, T. (2015). The 2014 People’s Climate March and Flood Wall Street civil disobedience: Making the transition to a post-fossil capitalist, commoning civilization. Capitalism Nature Socialism, 26(2), 36. doi: 10.1080/10455752.2014.1002804
37. Ibid., 36.
38. Bond, P. (2014). Climate justice gets a new lease on life. Retrieved from:
http://climateandcapitalism.com/2014/09/25/climate-justice-gets-new-lease-life/
39. Giacomini and Turner, The 2014 People’s Climate March, 36.
40. Tokar, Organization profile – 350.org.
41. Plant for the Planet. (2017) Aims and vision. Retrieved from https://www.plant-for-the-planet.org/en/about-us
/aims-and-vision
42. Burkett, M. (2016). Climate disobedience. Duke Environmental Law & Policy Forum, 27(1), 1-179.
43. Ibid.
44. Ibid.
45. Ibid., 16
46. Phipps, C., Vaughan, A., & Milman, O. (2015, November 29). Global climate march 2015: hundreds of thousands march around the world – as it happened. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/environment/live/2015/nov/29
/global-peoples-climate-change-march-2015-day-of-action-live
47. Dawson, A. (2010). Climate justice: The emerging movement against green capitalism. South Atlantic Quarterly, 109(2), 317. doi:10.1215/00382876-2009-036
48. Breakfree2016. (2016). May 2016 break free from fossil fuels. Retrieved from https://breakfree2016.org/
49. Burkett, “Climate disobedience.”
50. CCTV Center for Media and Democracy. (2017, January 14). Amy Goodman & Bill McKibben at Chandler Center for the Arts in Randolph, Vermont 1/14/17. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IS4r1I6KkHA
51. Burkett, “Climate disobedience,” 36.
52. Priest, S. (2016). Ingredients of a Successful Climate Movement, Communicating climate change: The path forward, 137. London, UK: Palgrave Macmillan.
53. Burkett, “Climate disobedience,” 36.
54. Ibid., 36.
55. Ibid., 36.
56. Ibid.
57. Ibid., 44.
58. People’s Climate Movement, (2017). We resist. We build. We rise. Retrieved from https://peoplesclimate.org/
59. Burkett, “Climate disobedience.”
60. Ibid., 49.
61. Russell, “Interrogating the post-political.”
62. Ibid.
63. Ibid.
64. Moore, H., & Russell, J. K. (2011). Organizing cools the planet: tools and reflections on across navigating the climate crisis. Oakland, CA: PM Press, 48.
65. Tokar, B. (2014a). Movements for climate justice in the worldwide. In M.Dietz & H. Garrelts (Eds.), Routledge handbook of the climate change movement (pp. 131-146). New York, NY: Routledge.
66. Ibid.
67. Ibid., 143.
68. The Climate Reality Project. (2017). Climate Reality Leadership Corps. Retrieved from
https://www.climaterealityproject.org/leadership-corps
69. Stoss, F. (2017, March 16). Personal communication.
70. Roser, D., & Seidel, C. (2017). Climate justice: An introduction. New York, NY: Routledge, Taylor & Francis.
71. Kaswan, A. (2016). Climate adaptation and theories of justice. Archiv für Rechts-und Sozialphilosophie. University of San Francisco Law Research Paper No. 2016-01. Retrieved from https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2689813
72. Tokar, Movements for climate justice, 143.
73. Ibid., 143.
74. Priest, “Ingredients of a Successful Climate Movement,” 155.
75. Vinthagen, S. (2013). Ten theses on why we need a “social science panel on climate change”. ACME: An international e-journal for critical geographies, 12(1), 155-176.
76. Ibid.
77. Ibid., 174.
78. Ibid.
79. People’s Climate Movement.
80. Roser and Seidel, Climate justice, 218.
81. Clayton, S., & Myers, G. (2015). Conservation psychology: Understanding and promoting human care for nature. Chichester, UK: Wiley-Blackwell.
82. Ibid.
83. Roser and Seidel, Climate justice, 220-221.
84. Tokar, Movements for climate justice, 143.
85. Klein, N. (2014). This changes everything: Capitalism vs. the climate. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, Inc, 459.
86. Ibid., 461.
87. Ibid.
88. Bond, P. (2012). Politics of climate justice: Paralysis above, movement below. Scottsville, South Africa: University of Kwa Zulu Natal Press.